erinnert - zumindest der nasen-phänotyp - etwas an rubinstein-taybi.
sind sie d'accord, t-ill?

Also,... habe ich das jetzt richtig verstanden?
Till hat jetzt seinen eigenen Internet-Blog?
Um seine Meinungen zu verbreiten?
Um sich WICHTIG zu machen?
Till, du weißt aber schon, daß Selbstüberschätzung der erste Schritt zum Untergang ist, oder?
...Nein, Spaß, ist schon ok. Ich finde es gut. Du machst wenigstens etwas!! usw... Blabala...
Gruß, Zuppi

Übrigens Till,
um doch noch auf deinen "Artikel" einzugehen:
Ich finde die die Ähnlichkeit frappierend !!! Super Bilder-Auswahl !

So würden das doch "Zeit" Leser und FDP Wähler ausdrücken. Vielleicht sollte ich das aus AKTUELLEM ANLASS doch weiter audsführen...

Wie stehen die Parteien im Ländle zum Ausdruck "frappierend"?

WASG: bourgeoiser Ausdruck
SPD: dieser Ausdruck ist in meinem Wortschatz nicht enthalten, ich lese BILD und Frankfurter Rundschau und esse beim Italiener um die Ecke
CDU: i les au bloß BILD ons Lokalblättle und schwätz zudemm koi Hochdeutsch
FDP: Ich bin stolz auf meinen Erfolg, meinen akademischen Grad, mein "ZEIT", "FAZ", "Süddeutsche"-Abo, meine Privatbibliothek, meine Leistungsbereitschaft... meine gewählte Ausdrucksweise...ich finde alles frappierend!
GRÜNE: fällt mir jetzt auch nichts ein, aber frappierend klingt irgendwie umweltgefährdent)

Ich hab nichts speziell gegen die FDP, ALLE Parteien sind übel! Ständig auf Anbiederungs-Sympathie-Schmuse-Schleim-Kurs, egal ob mit Labrador joggend-dynamisch (Vogt), Familien-Idyll (Oettinger), Männern mit Kinderwagen (GRÜNE), Hollywood-Hochglanz-Visage (Goll) Ich bin froh darüber, nicht wahlberechtigt zu sein! Immerhin etwas.

March 28, 2006
French Youth at the Barricades, But a Revolution? It Can Wait
By ELAINE SCIOLINO

AVIGNON, France, March 25 — Adrien Reynaud is a revolutionary, but only part time.

A 20-year-old history major at the University of Avignon, in the south of France, he had been waging a round-the-clock protest against the new youth labor law, camping out with fellow protesters in two dozen tents pitched across the campus lawn.

But by last Friday afternoon, Mr. Reynaud had a birthday to celebrate and laundry to be done. So he was going home to his parents.

"I've been staked out here for 16 days," he said. "I need a weekend off."

The mellow mood reflects the peculiar nature of the nationwide protest against a law that would allow employers to fire workers under age 26 without cause during the first two years of employment.

On one level, there is nail-biting drama. With Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin determined to put the law into effect, France is bracing for what is being called "black Tuesday" — strikes and demonstrations throughout France planned for Tuesday — that could bring up to two million people out on the streets and paralyze much of the country.

If the protests drag on and the violence and vandalism get worse, they could further erode confidence in the government and, some doomsayers say, even force Mr. de Villepin from his post.

Only half of the subway trains in Paris will be operating. Regional rail services are expected to be out of service. Many planes and trains will be canceled. Countless schools, hospitals, businesses and post offices will be closed.

Behind the current political crisis seems nothing less than the essential question confronting Europe today: whether its safety net can survive in a more competitive world.

But France has not been seized by a desire to sacrifice. This is a protest that uses the revolutionary methods of the streets — which proved so potent in last fall's riots in the disadvantaged city suburbs — in defense of the status quo.

As Claude Bébéar, chairman of the insurance giant Axa and one of France's leading entrepreneurs, said after emerging with other business leaders from a meeting with Mr. de Villepin last week, "We're just in one of those psychodramas that the French love but that is not justified."

The contrasts are apparent on the campus here. Banners predict nothing less than the fall of France's center-right government and the inevitable triumph of collective progress over individualism.

But there is also guitar playing, soccer ball kicking and sun tanning to be done. In the spirit of compromise, the university has been shut down only intermittently, to allow some students to take their final exams. One handwritten banner reads: "Don't send us police. Nurture us instead."

"I want students to gaze upward, to hope and dream for things that are more important," said Emmanuel Ethis, vice president of the university and a professor of sociology. "This is a rebellion — by the petite bourgeoisie."

This is also a cross-generational conflict. Baby boomers embraced by the generous French social welfare system want to protect treasured benefits long into retirement. Their children want to keep the system in place only if they can benefit from it.

"It is a collective failure of the French system," said Louis Chauvel, a sociologist who studies generational change. "You earn more doing nothing in retirement at the age of 60 to 65 than working full-time at the age of 35. And we have organized society so there is no room for new entrants."

Opinion polls indicate that the French see globalization as a threat, not an opportunity. A sweeping survey of people in 22 countries released in January found that France was alone in disagreeing with the premise that that the best economic model is "the free enterprise system and free market economy."

In the poll, conducted by the Program on International Policy Attitudes at the University of Maryland, only 36 percent of French respondents replied yes, compared with 59 percent in Italy, 65 percent in Germany, 66 percent in Britain, 71 percent in the United States and 74 percent in China.

Similarly, when the French polling institute Ipsos last fall asked 500 people between the ages of 20 and 25 the question "What does globalization mean to you?" 48 percent answered, "Fear." Only 27 percent said, "Hope."

Disdain for what is called the "Anglo-Saxon model" sometimes becomes confused with residual criticism of America's projection of power around the world.

"I respect the world of Shakespeare and of Hemingway," said Bernard Reynes, the 52-year-old mayor of the once-flourishing farming town of Châteaurenard, outside Avignon. "I respect less the culture of Coca-Cola.

"Three years after the war in Iraq, the Americans are now admitting their mistakes there," he said. "The American way of life that judges the rest of the world severely is not the only way of life."

The current crisis of fear follows the overwhelming rejection of the European Constitution by French voters last May, a reflection of widespread worry that the country would lose jobs and benefits to the new members of the European Union.

It also coincides with a wave of economic nationalism. The recent decision by the French government to orchestrate the immediate merger of two giant French utilities to prevent the possible takeover of one of them by the Italians has been roundly criticized by the European Union as protectionist and anti-European.

"What is needed in France is some leadership, some enthusiasm and confidence that is able to spread," said Ernest-Antoine Seillière, the French head of the European business lobby Unice, in an interview.

"In the business world, we are not pessimistic about the future. And in the past, we have seen the ability of a person with charisma to promote a plan that is able to transform — a de Gaulle, a Margaret Thatcher."

In a poll released in the weekly newspaper Le Journal du Dimanche, 83 percent of the respondents said they wanted President Jacques Chirac to intervene in resolving the crisis over the new labor law, which was passed to reduce unemployment by encouraging employers to hire young workers with little or no experience.

But Mr. Chirac, the head of state, has been largely absent from the political scene, and the popularity of Mr. de Villepin, the head of government who is largely responsible for domestic matters, has plummeted in the polls over this issue.

Mr. Chirac seemed particularly out of touch with the globalized modern world at a European Union summit meeting in Brussels last week. When Mr. Seillière declared that he would speak English, the language of business," Mr. Chirac declared himself "deeply shocked" and walked out of the room.

As some protests have turned violent, with more than 1,400 arrests, tour operators are already reporting that American and Japanese tourists are canceling trips. The government and tour operators hope to avoid a repetition of late last year, when travel to France declined 20 percent after riots in the suburbs.

The Web site of the American Embassy in Paris notes that the recent protests "have turned violent and have occurred at times in areas frequented by tourists. Police have responded by using tear gas." Travelers are advised to "avoid areas where unrest has occurred, move quickly away from any concentrations of demonstrators or police they may encounter, and exercise particular caution during evening and nighttime hours."

The British Foreign Office is also warning tourists to avoid demonstration routes on Tuesday.

Foreign Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy has scheduled a breakfast with foreign journalists on Wednesday to "give his own vision" of the situation, the Foreign Ministry said.

Mr. de Villepin, meanwhile, hopes to be the first prime minister in decades to succeed in making changes in the country's labor laws, and has vowed that he will not back down.

But avoiding a prolonged, all-out confrontation is the priority of Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy, who is responsible for maintaining law and order and who, like Mr. de Villepin, harbors presidential ambitions.

"Being able to find a compromise is about being brave and serving France," Mr. Sarkozy, who is also the leader of the governing Union for a Popular Movement, said at a rally on Saturday.

Paradoxically, Mr. Sarkozy is also the most un-French of politicians, a firm believer in globalization, hard work, raw ambition, the man-on the-street and the American dream. When he speaks about France's future, he does not look to France's grand past, but across the ocean to the United States.

"The dream of French families is to have their young people go to American universities to study," he told an audience at Columbia University in October 2004, an exceptionally startling admission for a French official. "When we go to the movies, it is to see American films. When we turn on our radios, it is to listen to American music. We love the United States!"

Mr. Sarkozy described a very simple formula for lowering France's chronic 10 percent unemployment rate.

"There is only one way to reduce unemployment in France," he said. "You have to explain to the French people that they have to work harder."